The revolutionary Illusion

The revolutionary Illusion

Victor Serge (1910)

Translated by Bayron Pascal

Mankind walks wrapped in a veil of illusion," said one thinker, Marc Guyau[1]. It even seems that without this veil men cannot walk. Hardly has reality torn off one blindfold before they hurry to put on another, as if their weak eyes were afraid to see things as they are. Their intelligence needs the prism of lies.

The scandals of Panama, Dreyfus, Syveton, Steinhell, etc. - the turpitudes and incapacity of politicians, finally the gunfire of Narbonne, Draveil and Villeneuve tore for a considerable minority the veil of parliamentary illusion.

We were hoping for everything from the ballot. We believed in the good will and power of the nation's representatives. And this hope, this faith prevented us from seeing the fundamental idiocy of the system which consists in delegating someone to look after the needs of all. But the ballot paper turned out to be a common rag. Parliamentarians have been ambitious, greedy, corrupt, especially mediocre. People appeared who were indignant at the electoral farce, the comedy of the reforms, the reign of the republican pitres. A minority is born, which necessarily grows every day and over which the old illusion no longer has any control.

However, to inspire people accustomed to being led, to stimulate their activity, mirages are needed... So replacing the defunct parliamentary illusion, the other illusion was forged, and embedded in the brains: the revolutionary illusion.

Yes, laws are powerless to transform society  and parliamentary assemblies are dismal  and there is nothing to expect from governments. But what legislation cannot do, demonstrations and strikes will do; and trade union assemblies will keep the promises of their pitiful predecessors: the Chambers. Finally we must expect everything from the conscious proletariat which... and which... and that...

Once upon a time the good gogos believed that sound speeches, official texts written and placarded with solemnity could favorably modify social life. That time has passed. Now, we imagine that it is enough to demolish lanterns, to burn kiosks, to "shoot" a cop from time to time (on very serious occasions).

In the past, popular expectations were concentrated in MPs. These little tumbling gentlemen could decree wonderful things from the rostrum a few mornings. Alas! Now that they have been seen wading through the mud, the ideal type of transformer appears somewhat different. It is the "comrade secretary" influential member of the C.G.T., whose voice, during meetings, unleashes gusts of enthusiasm. It is Pataud the mischievous and jovial face, the imperative verb... And it is still the revolutionary with the long hair, the fighting hat, and who (the neighbours affirm it) never leaves without his two automatic pistols...

In the past, brave voters relied on Parliament - the embodiment of the welfare state - to organize their happiness. Only the "backward masses" still have such foolish confidence in their elected representatives. The "advanced", the "conscious", the revolutionaries, what! know what the state is worth and parliaments are worth. So they already announce us that after the general strike, it will be the C.G.T. which will organize universal bliss, and the trade union committees will deliberate on measures to be taken for the common good. As you can see, it has nothing to do with the old parliamentary system.

As with all mistakes, parliamentary illusion was harmful to those it grayness. To the good citizens of this country it was worth the admirable regime of Democracy that so well illustrate the Russian alliance - oh the most advantageous of alliances! and finally the reign of Clémenceau and Briand... while waiting for that of a Jaurès. Mr. Viviani - today His Excellency - once said about I don't know which legislature: "There was the House not found, there is the infamous House!" and this could be said fairly of all successive legislatures, vainly striving to surpass themselves in antics. Illusions are expensive.

Well, although it was costly to the poor buggers who volunteered to mow, whip and shoot, parliamentary illusion did not do half the harm that the other illusion can do.

Oh, don't worry! we'll be back. We will end up realizing that the little game of upheaval is not going very far. And we will not see the bloody dawn that Mr. Meric announces to us. Illusions last only a time. But people will be dead for the Cause, dead foolishly, needlessly. But one or two generations will have wasted their strength in senseless efforts. We'll have lost our lives - that's all.

We'll be back. The great day is not about to shine, and most probably will never shine on him except in the feverish imaginations of his prophets.

However, since this dream intoxicates crowds, let us see what it bodes for us. Let us see where these efforts are heading, where they could end if an impossible victory were to crown them.

A brochure was published not long ago, which tells us so. Our old acquaintance, the citizen Meric, called Flax[2], is the author. It's called: How we will make the Revolution. It is serious this brochure, as a future party program. it's as exciting in some places as Captain Danrit's novels. And in its general appearance it recalls the writings of Mark Twain, the phlegmatic and impassive humour of Americans.

The citizen Meric - who knows his stuff - shows us first of all that an insurrection is all in all easy. Our friends in Russia cannot doubt it. Then, two words on the organized proletariat. But the most interesting chapter is undoubtedly the one that tells us what will happen after the triumphal insurrection. There, it is possible to appreciate how far one can go from the intelligences that an illusion embraces. For if it is possible that the citizen Meric does not believe a word of what he writes, it is certain that many people very sincerely conceive what he has formulated.

The day after the great evening the citizen Meric announces to us the Revolutionary Dictatorship, supported by Terror. Woe to the adversaries of the new social order (read from the Confederal Committee). "Only violence could have given us a momentary victory, only Terror could keep us this victory... Don't be afraid to be fierce! We will speak of justice, goodness and freedom after." Here we are, dear friends of the authorities.

From these lines we can understand the lack of enthusiasm among individualists for Mr. Méric's revolution. The present order crushes us, stalks us, kills us. The Revolutionary Order will crush us, hunt us down, kill us. The party can count on our contest.

But citizen Meric keeps getting better and better. On page 22 we see the existence of two committees, an army and a revolutionary police. We will execute the rebels (sic, sic, sic). Isn't that interesting?

Unions will "order everyone to get to work"... Otherwise be careful! After that a workers parliament (resic) will be appointed which "will have nothing in common with today's odious parliamentarism". I believe you! Moreover, as we have already seen, this charming little regime will have nothing in common with the abominable bourgeois oppression.

There will also be a permanent Labour Council. And the comrade ends incontinent: "Already the C.G.T. can give an approximate idea of the future workers' organization." It'll be beautiful!

To defend the new homeland thus built, and which will certainly be the sweetest of homelands, O ineffable Meric! we'll form militias. Because war is inevitable...

And after having caused us a "new morality imposing heavy obligations and sacrifices"; after having talked to us about prisons and revolutionary courts, in short about what he calls himself workers tyranny, the citizen Meric quietly ends: "It is neither for today, nor for tomorrow. When I told you he had the impassive humor of the Anglo-Saxons!

Footnotes:

1] Jean-Marie Guyau (1854-1888), French poet and philosopher, author of the Sketch of a moral without obligation or sanction. His theories attempt to substitute "vital spontaneity" for transcendent conventions and principles.

2] Victor Méric, born Henri Coudon (1867-1933), journalist, collaborator of the Libertaire at the turn of the century, softened his original anarchism to join the S.F.I.O. in 1906, under the influence of Gustave Hervé. He then became the apostle often mocked of a naïve revolutionary syndicalism. During this period, he collaborated in the Social War, and took again the direction of the Men of the Day. We find him in the twenties alongside the communists. He also wrote a book on the "Bonnot gang": Les Bandits tragiques, chez Kra, and defended Serge against the Stalinists of 1928.